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Four Hundred Souls(10)
Author: Ibram X. Kendi

 

 

UPON ARRIVAL


   Jericho Brown

 

 

        We’d like a list of what we lost

    Think of those who landed in the Atlantic

    The sharkiest of waters

    Bonnetheads and thrashers

    Spinners and blacktips

    We are made of so much water

    Bodies of water

    Bodies walking upright on the mud at the bottom

    The mud they must call nighttime

    Oh there was some survival

    Life

    After life on the Atlantic—this present grief

    So old we see through it

    So thick we can touch it

    And Jesus said of his wound Go on, touch it

    I don’t have the reach

    I’m not qualified

    I can’t swim or walk or handle a hoe

    I can’t kill a man

    Or write it down

    A list of what we lost

    The history of the wound

    The history of the wound

    That somebody bought them

         That somebody brought them

    To the shore of Virginia and then

    Inland

    Into the land of cliché

    I’d rather know their faces

    Their names

    My love yes you

    Whether you pray or not

    If I knew your name

    I’d ask you to help me

    Imagine even a single tooth

    I’d ask you to write that down

    But there’s not enough ink

    I’d like to write a list of what we lost.

    Think of those who landed in the Atlantic,

    Think of life after life on the Atlantic—

    Sweet Jesus. A grief so thick I could touch it.

    And Jesus said of his wound, Go on, touch it.

    But I don’t have the reach. I’m not qualified.

    And you? How’s your reach? Are you qualified?

    Don’t you know the history of the wound?

    Here is the history of the wound:

    Somebody brought them. Somebody bought them.

    Though I know who caught them, sold them, bought them,

    I’d rather focus on their faces, their names.

 

 

1659–1664


   ELIZABETH KEYE


   Jennifer L. Morgan

 

 

        1662 Act XII [of the Virginia House of Burgesses]. Whereas some doubts have arisen whether children got by any Englishman upon a negro woman shall be slave or free, Be it therefore enacted and declared by this present grand assembly, that all children borne in this country shall be held bond or free only according to the condition of the mother—partus sequitur ventrem. And that if any Christian shall commit fornication with a negro man or woman, hee or shee soe offending shall pay double the fines imposed by the former act.

 

   Elizabeth Keye was an African American woman who lived in colonial Virginia in the seventeenth century. She was the daughter of an enslaved African woman and the Englishman who owned her. As is so often the case, we can know nothing of the nature of their relationship except that it produced a daughter. Elizabeth Keye would instigate the single most important legislative act concerning the history of enslavement, race, and reproduction in the colonial Atlantic world.

   As a child, Keye found herself misidentified on the estate where she was indentured. At some point in the late 1620s, Thomas Keye, a free white Englishman and member of the Virginia House of Burgesses, had impregnated her mother, an enslaved African-born woman (whose name we do not know). What this woman (who appears in the archives as “woman slave”) hoped or believed about her daughter’s future is utterly lost in the documentary record. What is clear is that her father’s death threw that future into some confusion. Although Elizabeth had been placed in indenture as a child, after his death she (or her indenture) was sold to another Virginia landowner.

       Selling the remaining term of an indenture was not uncommon, but because Elizabeth Keye was the daughter of an African woman, her race made her vulnerable to abuses that an Englishwoman would not have had to endure. Although the English embraced the system of African slavery elsewhere in the Atlantic, in Virginia they relied on indentured servants, the vast majority of whom were also themselves English. In the 1650s there were fewer than three hundred Africans in the colony, or about 1 percent of the population of English settlers. And yet Elizabeth understood that she was in danger, that her color could dictate her status.

   Her status as Keye’s daughter was never a secret; it was widely known that this young woman’s father was a free Englishman. We learn from one witness that, out of ignorance or spite, Thomas Keye’s other child, John, called Elizabeth “Black Besse.” Mrs. Speke, the overseer’s wife, “checked him and said[,] Sirra you must call her Sister for shee is your Sister.” Whether or not Mrs. Speke’s intervention was meant to take John Keye down a peg, it was recognition of Elizabeth’s lineage. But her relative freedom, pinned as it was to a transgressive paternity that increasingly muddied the waters of property rights, was insufficient.

   In 1655 Elizabeth Keye petitioned the courts for her freedom—and that of her new child—and thus became the first woman of African descent to do so in the English North American colonies. While we know very little about her, we can be confident that she had a precise understanding of the dangers that surrounded her as a result of the interrelated consequences of race and sex in colonial Virginia. She had been transferred, by then, to a third Englishman, whose executors listed her and her son among his “negroes” rather than his “servants.” She had, by that time, been held for at least ten years longer than the terms of her 1636 indenture had specified. Her original freedom suit was granted, then overturned, and finally won when the father of her child and common-law husband, William Grinsted, an indentured Englishman who was knowledgeable in the law, brought her case to the General Assembly. On the day that her case was finally decided, July 31, 1656, she and Grinsted posted their banns (publicly announcing their intention to marry), and she and her descendants remained legally free well into the eighteenth century.

       Less than six years later, the Virginia Assembly revisited this case. Perhaps the lawmakers understood that granting freedom to the children of women raped by free property-owning Englishmen would fundamentally undermine the labor system they relied upon. In 1662 they decreed that a child born to an African woman slave, no matter who the father was, would follow that woman into slavery. This piece of legislation encapsulated the early modern understanding of racial slavery—that it was a category of labor that African people and their descendants inherited.

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